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Anchoring the social economy at the metropolitan scale: Findings from the Liverpool City Region
在大都市范围内锚定社会经济：来自利物浦城区的研究结果
Matthew Thompson（英国利物浦大学）Abstract: This article revisits debates on the contribution of the social economy to urban economic development, specifically focusing on the scale of the city region. It presents a novel tripartite definition – empirical, essentialist, holistic – as a useful frame for future research into urban social economies. Findings from an in-depth case study of the scale, scope and value of the Liverpool City Region’s social economy are presented through this framing. This research suggests that the social economy has the potential to build a workable alternative to neoliberal economic development if given sufficient tailored institutional support and if seen as a holistic integrated city-regional system, with anchor institutions and community anchor organisations playing key roles.
摘要：本文回顾了关于社会经济对城市经济发展的贡献的争论，重点关注城市区域的规模。我们提出了一个新的三重定义（实证、机要和整体），作为未来城市社会经济研究的实用框架。我们通过这一框架呈现了利物浦城市区域社会经济的规模、范围和价值方面的深入案例研究结果。这项研究表明，如果提供充分的量身定制的制度支持，将社会经济视为一个整体的城市区域一体化系统，并且锚定机构和社区锚定组织能发挥关键作用，社会经济就有可能成为一个能替代新自由主义经济发展的可行方案。
Keywords: anchor institutions, city-regionalism, local economic development, social economy, urban policy
关键词：定机构, 城市区域化, 地方经济发展, 社会经济, 城市政策
原文地址：https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098020972654
Haphazard urbanisation: Urban informality, politics and power in EgyptAbstract: The Egyptian military regime of Abd al-Fattah el-Sisi has announced as part of its Vision 2030 its intention to eliminate informal urban areas. The regime has identified these areas – commonly known by the Arabicterm ‘ashwa’iyyat (which means haphazard) – as a threat to the nation. The Egyptian state, however, has no clear conception of what urban informality constitutes or what exactly it is eradicating. To understand how and why the state has placed urban informality as central to its politics, I contend that we have to examine the political processes through which this uncertain yet powerful concept is produced. Urban informality, I argue, is a political intervention that is always fleeting and geographically specific in another wise haphazard context. Haphazard urbanisation points to the complex power struggles by a range of actors, both within and beyond the state, through which the formal and informal divide can mark urban life. In a critical reading of the first major study of informality in Egypt, I show how the urban was divided into the formal and informal through outdated laws. I detail, by engaging sources in English and Arabic, how the Egyptian state militarised urban informality from the 1990s onwards. I argue that it is through this historical framing that we must understand el-Sisi’s current war against urban informality. Inturn, I argue that the regime’s attempt to eliminate informality has not resulted in greater control over what and how urban informality appears but has deepened the hazardisation of urban life.摘要：阿卜杜拉·法塔赫·塞西（Abdal-Fattah el-Sisi）的埃及军事政权宣布，作为其《2030年愿景》的一部分，其计划消灭非正规城市地区。该政权将这些地区（阿拉伯语通常称其为“阿什瓦伊亚特”[ashwa’iyyat]，意思是“杂乱”）视为对国家的威胁。然而，埃及政府对什么是城市非正规性以及它到底在消除什么没有明确的概念。为了理解国家如何、以及为什么将城市非正规性作为其政治议程的核心，我认为我们必须研究产生这一不确定但强大的概念的政治过程。我认为，在原本杂乱的背景下，城市非正规性作为一种政治干预目标总是具有暂时性、且与特定的地理位置相联系。杂乱无章的城市化来源于政府内外一系列行为者的复杂权力斗争，通过这种斗争，正规和非正规的鸿沟可能会成为城市生活的标志。我批判性地解读了对埃及非正规性的首次主要研究，展示了城市如何被过时的法律分为正规和非正规两个部分。我借鉴英语和阿拉伯语文献，详细介绍了埃及政府如何从20世纪90年代开始对城市非正规性展开军事行动。我认为，我们必须通过这一历史框架来理解赛西政权当前针对城市非正规性发动的这场战争。进而，我认为，政府消除非正规性的努力并没有使政府更好地控制城市非正规性的面貌，而是加深了城市生活的危险性。Keywords: development, Egypt, inequality, informality, social justice,theory, urban violence关键词：发展, 埃及, 不平等, 非正规性, 社会正义, 理论, 城市暴力
原文地址: https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211040927
Towards a constructed order of co-governance: Understanding the state–society dynamics of neighbourhood collaborative responses to COVID-19 in urban China迈向共同治理的建构性秩序：从街区合作应对疫情来认识中国城市的政府—社会动态关系Abstract: The state–society relationship in neighbourhood governance has been a focal topic in the urban governance literature, though the existing scholarship was primarily drawn from non-crisis situations. Adopting a mixed-methods approach, this study investigates the intricate state–society dynamics manifested at the neighbourhood scale as state and societal actors collaborated during China’s COVID-19 responses. Our study reveals a pattern of collaborative rather than confrontational dynamics between resident committees and other stakeholders during pandemic responses, which reflects the emergence of a constructed order of neighbourhood co-governance in urban China. Previous community-building reforms consolidated the political legitimacy, power and capacity of resident committees, which were empowered to play a critical coordinating role in bridging hierarchical state mobilisation and horizontal stakeholders in the collaborative pandemic responses. These findings contribute to a more nuanced understanding of neighbourhood co-governance in the international literature and provide lessons for resilience governance from a comparative lens.摘要：街区治理中的政府-社会关系一直是城市治理文献中的一个焦点话题，但现有的学术研究主要取材于非危机情形。本研究采用混合方法，研究了在中国应对新冠肺炎疫情期间、政府和社会行为者在协作过程中在街区层面表现出的错综复杂的政府-社会动态关系。我们的研究揭示了在疫情应对期间居民委员会和其他利益相关者之间的协作而非对抗动态模式，这反映了中国城市街区共治构建性秩序的出现。以前的社区建设改革巩固了居民委员会的政治合法性、权力和能力，在协作应对疫情的过程中，居民委员会被授权在政府垂直动员和横向利益相关者之间发挥关键的协调作用。这些发现有助于国际学界更细致地理解街区共治，并从比较的角度为复原力治理提供经验教训。Keywords: COVID-19, neighbourhood governance, resident committees, state–society relationship, urban China关键词：新冠肺炎, 街区治理, 居民委员会, 政府-社会关系, 中国城市原文地址：https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980221081314
Inter-city transport infrastructure and intra-city housing markets: Estimating the redistribution effect of high-speed rail in Shenzhen, China城市间交通基础设施和城市内住房市场：评估中国深圳高铁的再分配效应Zheng Chang（美国哈佛大学肯尼迪政府学院陶伯曼州和地方政府中心）Abstract: This study analyses the changes in intra-city housing valuesin response to improved inter-city connection brought by high-speed rail (HSR), using the opening of the Hangzhou–Fuzhou–Shenzhen Passenger Dedicated Line (HFSL) in Shenzhen, China, as an example. The opening of the HFSL and its integration into the local metro network at Shenzhen North Station provide exogenous intra-city variations in access to the surrounding economic mass. With a difference-in-differences approach, we find that the HFSL showed an egative local effect as housing values declined by 11.5%–13.3% in the proximity of Shenzhen North Station relative to areas further from the station after the opening, possibly due to the negative externalities of the HFSL. The HFSL effect can spread along the metro network and lead to, on average, a 7% appreciation of housing values around metro stations (network effect). The direction and strength of the network effect vary by metro travel time between Shenzhen North Station and metro stations. Housing values decreased by 7.7% around metro stations within 5–15 minutes of metrotravel time but increased by 63.6%, 16.6% and 29.2% around metro stations within 15–25, 25–35 and 35–45 minutes of metro travel time to Shenzhen North Station, respectively. The HFSL effect on housing values diminishes when the rail travel time is above 45 minutes. We interpret these findings as evidence of the redistribution effect in the city related to HSR connection.摘要：本研究以中国深圳杭福深客运专线的开通为例，分析了高铁带来的城市间联系的改善对城市房价的影响。杭福深客运专线的开通及其在深圳北站与深圳地铁网络的接驳，为进入周边经济区带来了外生的城市内部差异。我们采用双重差分方法发现，杭福深客运专线带来了一种本地副效应，因为在该专线开通后，与距离深圳北该站更远的地区相比，深圳北站附近的房价可能因杭福深客运专线的负外部性下降了11.5%~13.3%。杭福深客运专线效应可能顺着地铁网络延伸，导致地铁站附近的房价平均升值7%（网络效应）。网络效应的方向和强度因深圳北站与相关地铁站之间的地铁出行时间而异。距离深圳北站地铁出行时间为5~15分钟的地铁站附近的房价下降了7.7%，但距离深圳北站的地铁出行时间为15~25分钟、25~35分钟和35~45分钟的地铁站附近的房价分别上升了63.6%、16.6%和29.2%。当距离深圳北站的地铁出行时间超过45分钟时，杭福深客运专线对房价的影响逐渐变小。我们将这些发现解释为与杭福深客运专线相关的城市再分配效应的证据。Keywords: China, high-speed rail, intra-city housing values, network effect原文地址：https://doi.org/10.1177/00420980211017811推介 Urban Studies 期刊的最新文章和城市研究的最新动态搭建中国城市研究学者交流切磋的学术平台
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